As South Africa’s case against Israel in front of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) rules that Israel’s forces must immediately prevent and punish genocidal acts committed in Gaza, it becomes clear that all states of the world can either side with the oppressor or with the oppressed. It is clear that the ICJ’s ruling on South Africa’s case against Israel goes beyond just a legal dispute or a legal formality. Rather, it is a test of international solidarity all across the globe that the Philippines may either pass or severely fail. 

A timeline of silence, a spark of sound

On October 7, 2023, the resistance group Hamas attacked Israel. However, Israel used this attack as a justification to bomb Gaza disproportionately in the name of “self-defense” and to solidify Palestinian ethnic cleansing. As of writing, the Israeli and US-backed genocide has claimed 26,637 Palestinian lives, with possibly more, due to the collapse of Gaza’s Health Ministry on November 10, 2023, leading to a difficult time for those on the ground to keep track of all casualties and injuries. 

On October 26, 2023, as 120 countries voted in favor of a UN resolution calling for immediate humanitarian truce and aid to make it into Gaza, the Philippines was one of 45 countries that chose to abstain. 

Furthermore, when 25 Palestinian-Filipino families sought refuge in the Philippines, the government was initially hesitant to let Filipinos bring their Palestinian spouses here. Fortunately, the government relented given enough pushback, but it is still evident that the Marcos administration has given these families little to no help. Beyond giving them an initial amount of monetary assistance and a hotel to sleep in for two nights and three days, the families have essentially been left on their own with no homes, no jobs, and no further assistance. As a result, the Palestinian-Filipino refugees and concerned organizations have been asking for donations on social media. Thus, this forces the responsibility of their care on the ordinary Filipino, who doesn’t have the same amount of resources or reach as government officials.

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Nonetheless, we acknowledge that the tide is turning. The Philippines voted to condemn Israel’s occupation of internationally-recognized Palestinian territory along with 144 other nations at the UNGA last November 14, 2023. 

Now, the Philippine government has to prove to the international community that as a nation that has signed on to the Genocide Convention of 1948 and upholds its conditions, it is a country capable of standing with Palestine beyond lip service and the bare minimum. 

International solidarity 

We cannot view our Philippine struggle against imperialist interests as unique to us or existing in a vacuum. There should not be any more lives lost under the IDF’s powder keg and the US’s match. It is imperative that, as a country, we support the call for not only an end to genocidal actions but for a complete ceasefire. The Palestinian struggle for liberation and justice does not exist in isolation a few seas away from us. Rather, it has direct economic, cultural, and political implications for our country. Not standing with Palestine impedes the possibility of an independent foreign policy that is not restrained by imperialist interests and squabbles. 

We see this happening right now as the US continuously goads China to wage war for dominion over the Southeast Asian Sea. And, instead of leveraging our alliances with neighboring countries of Southeast Asia to reject non-ASEAN domination, President Marcos is actively choosing to corner us into a US-led and funded conflict that will be fought on Philippine soil with our bodies in the trenches. 

Furthermore, the same US war machine simultaneously backs up, trains, and funds the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF). With the strength of their ammunition, influence, and capital, the IDF have murdered innocent children, women, and men along the Gaza Strip, and ever since the Israel state’s conception in 1948 after the first Nakba, the IDF has never stopped using a disproportionate amount of violence against Palestinians. Prior to the ICJ’s ruling, Israel had horrifically bombed hospitals, murdered journalists, and prevented humanitarian aid from reaching Palestinians as the world watched. 

The death of Filipino IDF soldier Sergeant First Class Cydrick Garin also highlights the relevance of the Israeli genocide to our own country. One Filipino life lost in this brutality has been and is already too much — but what about the 26,000 Palestinian lives lost, with most of them being children who have barely had the opportunity to live in peace? Who have never set foot on a free Palestine in their lifetime? What about them? 

The answer is simple: there should be no more bloodshed, and the Philippine government should stand with its people. All over the country, from Metro Manila, to Basilan, to South Cotabato, the Filipino people have already been organizing, protesting in the streets, and using their voices on online platforms to demand a ceasefire. It is the Philippine government’s time to catch up and make decisions on the international stage that reflects its constituents’ relentless desire for peace and solidarity. 

None of us are free until all of us are free! 

Our country stumbles time and time again in the face of imperialist pushback, especially as we struggle to remain independent in the face of mounting pressures from the US in our Southeast Asian Sea. President Marcos would be wise to learn what the Gaza struggle clearly displays: putting imperialist interests first and not striving for an independent foreign policy will end in bloodshed and inevitably, disproportionately harm the common Filipino. 

We must never forget that our national history is rooted in a centuries-long struggle against colonial occupation, the same way Palestinian history is. Palestine’s fight for liberation is similar to ours. Palestine’s fight for freedom against Israel, occupation, and oppression is ours because no matter the distance that separates us from one another, we all suffer from imperialism. 

Palestine’s fight is our fight, and our Filipino history of resistance is useless if we do not stand for Palestine’s liberation in the present. – Rappler.com

Mariya Angelo Pasyon is a second-year Political Science student and member of the Samahan ng Progresibong Kabataan (SPARK). In her spare time, she is also a creative writer.

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It was also the first time that I’d been on a ship, and the bridge was my favorite deck because you can see everything that lies ahead on the horizon. The bridge is the highest deck where the ship’s steering wheel is located. That is why it is also the frequent target of the Chinese Coast Guard’s water cannon — when you flood and destroy the bridge, the whole ship goes down.

But some have argued that it is already water under the bridge. That it is futile to resist because we are weak. Maybe they are correct because Chinese aggression in the West Philippine Sea had always been surreal to me from the news about their water cannons, naval barricades, to their intentional ramming. Their actions do not discriminate whether you are a Coast Guard or an unarmed fisherman with your small boat.

Months have passed since the mission ended. We have returned to where we were before, but it’s not water under the bridge. We can never settle any bilateral dispute when the other party occupies the disputed waters and harasses us. Chinese encroachment on our waters remains a reality, and our experiences have proven this.

Before heading directly to Ayungin Shoal, we were set to rendezvous with Ate Paeng, our civilian commander, and the rest of the volunteers for a security briefing and a send-off. Upon arriving there, unsettling news met us: the Chinese Coast Guard had fired water cannons at two BFAR ships on their resupply mission. Another bridge had been flooded by water. Despite this, our security briefing and send-off underscored our mission’s peaceful intent — to spread Christmas cheer in the West Philippine Sea, avoiding confrontation.

After the send-off, we reboarded the M/V Kapitan Felix Oca at midnight, now accompanied by a smaller supply boat, the MV Chowee, ready to officially begin our mission. Our plan was simple: meet up with the three Philippine Coast Guard vessels serving as our security escort, navigate through the Ayungin Shoal, and drop off the supplies at Lawak Island. Yet, our journey was anything but simple.

We awoke to troubling news: a routine AFP rotation and resupply mission had been harassed by Chinese forces. Called to the bridge to assist Ate Paeng, I grasped the satellite phone in the sweltering heat, awaiting confirmation from headquarters. The news was confirmed: AFP Chief of Staff General Romeo Brawner Jr. was involved in the incident, necessitating the redirection of two out of our three Philippine Coast Guard escorts to respond, leaving BRP Melchora Aquino for our protection. While the sea was calm, the water over us from their cannons is not.

Our expectations had prepared us for a confrontation near Ayungin Shoal in the dead of night, yet daylight brought the unforeseen. At 3:40 pm, amidst an ongoing Mass, the silhouette of the People’s Liberation Army destroyer Changsha 173 appeared on the horizon. Moments later, a Chinese Coast Guard ship emerged, its sudden appearance halting the service. I was at the bridge when everything happened so fast. However, nothing could beat the speed of the Chinese Coast Guard turning its bow towards us, with 21 knots (39 km/h) when it was only a couple of miles away from us. The threat of it ramming us or hitting us with a water cannon was only a few minutes away. It became more vivid with every passing second. That was when our captain decided to turn and go back.

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As the sun set, our ship may have been whole and unharmed, but the feeling of dark defeat was felt by everyone aboard. We slept feeling disappointed, dejected, and aggrieved. China and its water cannons had proven to be more powerful than I thought — without even shooting its cannons, it devastated the morale of our people. How much more if they had also hit our bridge, just like during the unarmed BFAR resupply mission or the AFP RORE mission where even the AFP Chief of Staff was present?

However, just like everything else, the night also ended. By morning, we learned that the MV Chowee had successfully snuck around to deliver the Christmas supply to Lawak Island. It might not have been all according to plan, but the mission achieved what it wanted — to deliver Christmas cheer to our frontliners. It was poetic — the smaller ship succeeded compared to the bigger force.

Approaching El Nido, several local fishing boats welcomed us, reigniting a spark of hope that this was not the end. I picked up the megaphone and initiated a flash protest right there and then. It was more than a protest to rebuke China or to pressure the government to take action. It was also more than a regular protest, not because it was held in the West Philippine Sea, but because it was a celebration of the success of our mission amidst the challenges we faced.

But our struggle remains a reality for our brothers in the West Philippine Sea. It remains a reality for us. This broader struggle our mission represents remains far from just water under the bridge. It’s a testament to the resilience, unity, and undiminished spirit of those standing up for their rights and for what is justly ours. The waters may rise, but so does our resolve. We are not yet at the point of flooding; we will not abandon ship. – Rappler.com

James Stephen Balbuena was one of the youth leaders of the convoy and is a senior BA Political Science student from the University of the Philippines Diliman. He is part of BUKLOD CSSP, Akbayan! Youth, and the Student Council Alliance of the Philippines.

Umani ng samot-saring komento ang isang Reddit post tungkol sa estudyante ng De La Salle University-Manila na biglang kinagat sa braso ng isang batang kalye habang siya ay naglalakad  pauwi. Nakasaad sa post na naganap ito alas dyes ng gabi, matapos ang kanyang klase, at siya ay nakasuot ng jacket kaya hindi ito nag-iwan ng sugat. Ayon sa kanya, “I usually just ignore the  kids, but this time I’m genuinely annoyed/concerned about safety.” Tinanong niya kung kanino pwedeng ireport ang pangyayari, at kung dapat ba pumunta sa istasyon ng pulis. Dagdag pa niya, “It’s not within the school premises, so I’m not sure the school can do anything about this. How can we make that area more safe?” 

Mahihinuha na ang intensyon ng poster ay magbigay ng kaalaman sa iba tungkol sa nangyari sa kanya at humingi ng payo sa kung kanino ipaaalam ang insidente upang maging mas ligtas ang lugar. Makikitang suportado naman ng karamihan ang kanyang sentimyento nang magbahagi sila ng parehong karanasan. Sabi ng isa, “I had the same experience recently, and I got bruises after.” Mungkahi naman ng iba na iparating ito sa kinauukulan, kagaya ng opisyales sa barangay, mga administrador ng paaralan, at sa pulis.  

Sinunod naman ito ng poster, at nagbigay ng update kinabukasan. “Reported it and from the footage I wasn’t the only one bitten (three others were also bitten). The security is looking for the guy and they’re gonna watch that area more now.” 

Ang lugar na pinangyarihan ng insidente ay sa Fidel Reyes Street na malapit sa mga pasilidad ng  DLSU, kaya maraming estudyante ang dumadaan dito para makapunta sa kanilang mga silid-aralan o tirahan. Gayunpaman, dahil ang pinangyarihan ay isang pampublikong lugar na malapit sa pamantasan at gayo’y napapaligiran ng mga negosyo at bahay, maraming batang kalye ang namamalagi rito.

Pero, nagsimulang mag-viral ang Reddit post nang may mag-repost nito sa X (dating Twitter). Uminit at lumawak ang talakayan nang may magsabing ito raw ay parte ng kilusang “eat the rich.” Ang kasabihang ito ay karaniwang ginagamit sa mga diskusyon sa kapitalismo, tunggalian ng klase, at kayamanan. Subalit, sang-ayon ako sa karamihan na tumutol sa paggamit ng kasabihan sa partikular na insidente.  

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Hindi tama na ipagpalagay na lahat ng estudyante sa pamantasan ay mayaman, dahil kahit ito ay  pribadong institusyon, marami sa mga mag-aaral dito ay umaasa sa scholarship. Sa katunayan, 20% ng mga estudyante sa DLSU ay nakatatanggap ng scholarship. Samakatuwid, hindi dapat gawing sentro ng diskusyon ang panlipunang uri ng estudyante sa insidente. Kahit pa mayaman o mahirap ito, nakakabahala na makagat ng isang batang kalye kahit wala naman siyang ginagawa  rito. 

Ang totoong suliranin ay ang naranasan na harassment ng estudyante. Gayunpaman, dapat din talakayin ang kondisyon ng mga batang kalye at ang kanilang mga karanasan na maaaring nagdulot sa kanilang nakakapanakit na kilos. Ang dalawang isyu na ito ay kailangan pagtuunan ng pansin at bigyan solusyon.  

Ang pangamba ng estudyante at ang kanyang paghahangad ng mas ligtas na lugar ay balido. Ito ay dahil hindi lamang isang beses nangyari ang ganitong insidente, at marami na ang nagbahagi ng kanilang mga hindi kanais-nais na karanasan sa lugar. Sa katunayan, ayon sa pangulo ng DLSU USG na si Raphael Hari-Ong, “Following multiple incident reports from students around the Taft area, the USG called for an emergency meeting with the Malate Police Station, Barangay Kagawads of 708 and 709, and the DLSU Security Office.” Dagdag pa niya, “In terms of Fidel Reyes Street, our Security Office will be monitoring these incidents and will be providing more spotters in the area to protect our community.” Kahit hindi na sakop ng DLSU ang lugar, nararapat lang na paigtingin ang pagbabantay rito nang masiguro na walang harassment o krimen na nagaganap.  

Kailanman ay hindi magiging tama ang pagdulot ng pinsala ng mga batang kalye, kaya dapat silang matulungan at magabayan. Kailangan ay intindihin ang kalagayan ng mga bata na maaring mga biktima ng hindi makatarungang mundo na kanilang kinalakihan. Karaniwang dahilan ng kanilang pamamalagi sa lansangan ay ang kahirapan, pang-aabuso, kawalan ng magulang, at kalamidad. Karamihan sa kanila ay hindi nakakapag-aral o hindi natuturuan ng mabuting asal, at ito ay nakaaapekto sa kanilang sikolohikal na pag-unlad. Ang ilan naman ay nagagawa ang ganitong mga bagay dahil sa nilanghap na rugby na nakaaapekto sa pag-iisip.  

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Imbis na ituring ang mga batang kalye bilang sakit sa lipunan, dapat ay pakitaan sila ng pagmamalasakit. Ang mga bata ay vulnerable at nangangailangan ng tulong at pag-akay mula sa mga tamang tao. Maaring hingin ang serbisyo ng barangay o DSWD nang sa gayon ay maturuan ng leksyon ang mga bata at maitama ang mga aksyon na nakakapahamak sa kapwa. Hindi madali at mabilis ang magiging solusyon, pero isa lang ang konklusyon: kailangan nila ng tulong sapagkat hindi tama na sa kanilang murang edad ay namamalagi sila sa lansangan imbes na sa paaralan.  

Sa unang tingin, ay parang ang babaw lang ng pangyayaring ito, pero kung susuriin, ito ay lumalalim at dulot ng mga kakulangan at kamalian sa sistema na matagal nang namamayani sa lipunan. Hindi lamang sa DLSU o sa Maynila nangyayari ang ganitong sitwasyon, kundi ay kinakaharap din ng maraming lugar sa bansa. Ito ay usapin ng dalawang klase ng bata, ang isa ay mapalad na nakakapag-aral sa isang magandang institusyon at naghahangad lamang ng dagdag na seguridad matapos ang mapanganib na karanasan, habang ang isa ay kapus-palad na nakagawa ng kapahamakan, maaaring dahil sa kahirapan at opresyon na naranasan sa buhay, kaya dapat ay bigyan ng patnubay. Dalawang tao na magkaibang sitwasyon at estado, pero parehong nangangalampag para sa isang mas maayos na Pilipinas. – Rappler.com

Si Arnold Jansenn S. Gallardo, 20 taong gulang, ay isang iskolar na kasalukuyang nag-aaral ng Bachelor of Science in Human Biology sa Pamantasang De La Salle. Interesado siya sa interseksyon ng humanidades sa agham at medisina.

“Congressional insertions” refer to any amendments made by a member or committee of either chamber of Congress during budget deliberations on the General Appropriations Bill (GAB). These insertions can occur not only during the individual chamber’s deliberations but also during the bicameral conference committee meetings. Following the passage of their own versions of the GAB through the third and final reading, both chambers of Congress appoint members to form a bicameral conference committee. This committee convenes to address and reconcile disparities in the GAB provisions between the two, including but not limited to modifications and insertions, before the Congress’ approval, and thereafter, the transmission of the “harmonized” version to the President.

It is worth noting that congressional insertions primarily occur during the bicameral conference. However, it has been a longstanding practice for this process to occur behind closed doors, which potentially jeopardizes the transparency and integrity of the budget process. This is in contrast to the budget deliberations done within individual chambers, which are typically accessible through their respective official websites and social media platforms. This accessibility enables us to closely observe the amendments integrated into the budget bill.

Furthermore, democratic governance should also be given primacy in the budgetary process. While the Constitution grants Congress the power of the purse (or its authority to legislate government expenditures and determine where funds are allocated), it is crucial to highlight that elected officials should act as representatives of the people in such matters. Therefore, in the process of budgetary appropriation, any insertions made by the Congress should prioritize the interests of the people and be made accessible for public scrutiny.

It should also be noted that the most significant and potentially final insertions are made to the bill during the bicameral conference. In this regard, these sessions should really be made available for public viewing. Allowing this to occur unchecked could empower legislators in the committee to insert amounts or items that serve their own interests, leading to potential conflicts. 

For instance, during the bicameral conference for the 2023 GAB, the Senate’s reduction of the Department of Education’s (DepEd) confidential funds (CFs) to P30 million was reversed, restoring it to its original amount of P150 million. This decision stirred controversy regarding the necessity of these funds, especially considering that other funds for social services previously slashed were not reinstated. Fortunately, during the bicameral deliberations for the 2024 GAB, the usage of such funds for the department was questioned, resulting in no restoration of CFs in the DepEd’s budget.

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It is vital to acknowledge that the budget discussed in the bicameral conference committee involves public funds, making it a matter of great concern to the public. Therefore, the public not only has the right, but also the responsibility to know and observe how their own funds are being utilized. With this understanding, there is an urgent need to enact a full disclosure act on congressional insertions, as advocated for by former senators. Additionally, it is essential to ensure the recording or streaming of the entire budgetary proceedings of the bicameral committee.

Besides the aforementioned, Senate Bill No. 2623, introduced during the 14th Congress by Mar Roxas, known as the Congressional Insertions Transparency Act of 2008, also mandates comprehensive disclosure of all insertions to any requesting individual or group. Subsequently, upon approval of the General Appropriations Act (GAA), a report outlining “all” congressional insertions, whether or not contained in the act, must be published on the official websites of both chambers, and in two nationally circulated newspapers.

Seemingly, this bill appears to advocate for good governance in the budgetary process. But given that its implementation would significantly restrict pork barrel activities (or the utilization of public funds for projects aimed at appeasing voters or lawmakers and securing votes), this is something that the Congress would not easily approve of. After all, it seems that these practices of some or most lawmakers often outweigh their commitment to transparency and accountability.

During the bicameral conference for the 2024 GAB, for instance, the committee introduced additional funds without the consent of the broader membership of the Congress, leading opposition lawmakers to contend that the surge in unprogrammed funds (or standby funds used for emergency situations or unforeseen expenses) was made with “grave abuse of discretion.” 

For context: the 2024 GAA signed by the president reveals an increase in unprogrammed funds for 2024, totaling P731 billion. This amount exceeds the initial request made by the executive branch to Congress by P450 billion. Consequently, the three lawmakers have recently filed a petition with the Supreme Court, seeking to challenge the constitutionality of the purported excess in unprogrammed funds in the GAA.

Why the increase? It is something only they will know.

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It is, nonetheless, clearly stated in Article VI, Section 25(1) of the Constitution that “the Congress may not increase the appropriations recommended by the President for the operation of the Government as specified in the budget.” Hence, the move by the bicameral committee in its insertion of unprogrammed funds definitely raises significant legal concerns and demands scrutiny from the judiciary.

With all these, it prompts us to ponder: “Is public office STILL a public trust?” or “Is it merely a guise for public officials’ own interests?”

Ensuring full transparency on congressional insertions, particularly concerning the national budget and public expenditure, is of utmost importance. This transparency is crucial as it determines the allocation of funds for various public programs, projects, and services throughout the entire fiscal year. Ultimately, promoting transparency in the budgetary process is not merely a choice but a necessity. This commitment should ensure that our national budget is not swayed by the government’s self-serving agendas, but instead, reflects the authentic needs and interests of the Filipino people. – Rappler.com

Fidel Louis Ceñidoza is a graduating student of Bachelor of Public Administration from the University of the Philippines Diliman-National College of Public Administration and Governance (UP NCPAG).

Sa pagpasok ng taong ito, bumungad sa ating lahat ang hidwaan sa pagitan nina Bongbong pati ang kaniyang mga kakampi sa politika at dating pangulong Duterte, pati rin ang kaniyang pamilya at mga alipores. Dahilan ito ng pagkakasulong ng charter change at ang umano’y kagustuhan ni Bongbong na payagan ang imbestigasyon ng ICC kay Duterte at ipakulong ang dating pangulo dahil sa kaniyang war on drugs.

Sa madaling salita, ang UniTeam na binuo noong eleksyon ay malinaw na nagwatak na dahil din sa politika. At para sa mga taong tulad mo na pinigilan ang pagkakataong ito sa pagboto kay Leni noong 2022, tama kayo kasi hindi si Bongbong ‘yung pinili niyo. 

Pero alam niyo, ‘yung kinakahol niyong pagkatama eh nung 2022 pa. Halos dalawang taon na ang nakalipas, nakakulong pa rin kayo sa naratibong tama ‘yung ginawa niyo noong nakaraang eleksyon. Oo, sabihin na nating tama ‘yung pinili niyong kandidato; pero hindi na tama na patuloy niyong ipinagkakalandakang si Leni ‘yung pinili niyo at sinabihan niyo ‘yung ibang botante na huwag iboto si Bongbong. 

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Kasi sa simula’t sapul naman, hindi na patas ‘yung proseso ng eleksyon sapagkat kayang-kayang manipulahin ng mga politiko ‘yung mga botante para sila ‘yung iboto. Aminin man natin o hindi, ganyan ang ginawa ni Bongbong para manalo noong 2022 – gumawa siya ng naratibo na nagpabango sa pangalan niya na tatatak at mahirap alisin sa isip ng mga botante. 

Sige, sabihin niyo nang kinausap niyo ‘yung mga kilala niyong sinuportahan si Bongbong at kinumbinsing huwag siyang iboto. Pero hindi nga agad patas sa lahat ‘yung eleksyon noong una pa lang; kaya kahit anong kahol niyo riyan, kailangan niyong tanggapin ‘yung katotohanang wala dapat sa mga botante ang sisi na si Bongbong ang nanalo at dapat ay nasa kaniya. Kasi sa simula pa lang, dinaan na ni Bongbong sa maruming taktika ang pagkapanalo sa eleksyon. 

Kaya tumigil na kayo kakakahol sa ibang botante na tama nga kayo na huwag nilang iboto si Bongbong at tama kayong si Leni ‘yung pinili niyo.

Oo na, tama na kayo, pero wala naman tayong mapapala diyan sa huli. Kasi ano naman kung tama kayo? Congrats, ganon? Slow claps? Bigyan kayo ng certificate of recognition? 

Sobrang baba lang kasi ng pag-iisip niyo na nakakulong pa rin kayo sa pagkatama niyo nung eleksyon. Nakakapangit din ‘yan ng tingin para sa ibang botante kasi nagmumukha kayong mayabang at mapang-insulto; baka hindi pa nila iboto ‘yung hinahangad natin dahil sa ugali niyo. Tsaka isa pa, mas mabuti pang ituon niyo ‘yung pansin niyo sa mga bagay na makabuluhan imbes na kumahol kayo nang kumahol. 

Hindi niyo man lang ba naisip na malapit na ang susunod na eleksyon sa 2025? Mas mabuti pang ‘yung sigla niyong kumahol ngayon sa pagiging tama noong 2022 eh ilaan niyo para samantalahin ang sitwasyong watak ang mga nasa posisyon at kumbinsihin ang mga botante na iboto ang oposisyon. 

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Sa halip na pairalin niyo ‘yung pagiging makasarili niyo sa pagkahol na tama kayo, unti-unti ninyong ipakilala ang oposisyon sa madla. Unti-unti ninyong ipagpatuloy ang pagkilos tungo sa tapat at matinong pamamahala. Unti-unti ninyong buksan ang mata ng publiko sa katotohanang binabalot ang bansa natin ng problemang politikal na pinangungunahan ng mga makapangyarihan. 

Kung tunay kang tumindig para sa tama noong 2022, hindi mo ito ipagyayabang at ibabalandra kung kani-kanino sa ano mang pagkakataon. Bagkus, ang pagtindig mo para sa tama noong 2022 ay dadalhin mo habang ang hinahangad mong bansang mapunta sa tama ay nananatiling nasa mali. Kung tumindig ka para sa tama noong 2022, patuloy at patuloy kang titindig para maitama ang mali. 

Pero kung tumindig ka para sa tama noong 2022 at inilahad mo ito para lang patunayang tama ka nga, wala ka na sa tama. Napunta ka na sa mali. Dahil walang sino pa mang tunay na kumikilos para sa tama ang ipinapamukha sa iba na tama kayo at mali sila. Sa madaling salita, huwad ka na. 

Oo, tama nga kayo noong 2022. Pero noong 2022 pa ‘yon. Kung hindi natin naitama rati, marami pa tayong pagkakataon para itama ito sa susunod. At dapat maitama natin ito sa mga susunod na taon. 

Minsan, hindi mahalaga ang pagiging tama. Minsan, ang mahalaga ay ‘yung may ginagawa ka para maitama ‘yung baluktot na sistemang politikal ng bansa. Dahil sa dulo ng kwentong ito, iisa lang naman ang hangad nating mga Pilipino – ang magkaroon ng matinong gobyerno. – Rappler.com

Si Joshua Brian Buenviaje, 18, ay Grade 12 student ng Rizal National Science High School at miyembro ng kanilang paaralang pampahayagan.

“Molino three,” I said, initially reading out the barangay number in English. “Barangay Molino tres.”

She paused for a few seconds, wondering which parts of upper Bacoor City exactly comprised the barangay we kept writing in forms, before concluding: “Importante pala ’yan, ang laki ng sakop.”

Barangays in theory

I was always taught in high school Social Studies (Araling Panlipunan) classes that “the barangay is the smallest unit of government.”

In many places around the Philippines, this still rings true.

A barangay is usually a neighborhood with a distinct identity. The barangay captain, who heads the local government unit (LGU) of the same name as the neighborhood, is a local known to many families, and a barangay by itself in one’s address can thus easily identify your lifestyle, livelihood, and socioeconomic class. Said barangays are communities first, local government districts later.

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Barangays, inverted

The concept of a local government unit below the municipal level is certainly not unique to the Philippines, and like elsewhere in the world, it can be reused for a different purpose: barangays that serve as statistically or politically convenient government districts first, and communities later.

In old historic cities, such as Manila, Caloocan, and Pasay, a barangay is a small, tight-knit community consisting of a city block or two. This explains the three-digit numerical barangays often featured in noontime shows like Eat Bulaga, and the popular catchphrase “Isama ang buong barangay!” which would not be possible in my part of the metro.

Can you tell me what Barangay 666 in Manila contains? What about Brgy. 420, or Brgy. 123? Those are all real and existing barangays, per Philippine Statistics Authority data.

Further down south, cities like Parañaque, Las Piñas, and Bacoor developed the other way around. Rather than having the meticulous city-wide grid plan and four-digit house numbers Manila had, our cities developed as agricultural and greenfield lands converted into real estate developments, all exiting out into farm-to-market roads converted into city arteries.

With each residential subdivision comes a developer’s urge to slap their brand name for easier marketing, and subsequently a desire to maintain each subdivision’s environment so they can be used as a reference for future buyers of other projects with the same brand.

In these “sub-urban” places, homeowner’s associations (HOAs) are the perfect way to consolidate control in a given area. While government agencies building housing projects usually turn over all roads and utilities to a barangay — either the existing one, or an expressly created LGU for that community — to avoid maintenance costs, said costs can easily be eclipsed with the higher profit margins private developers can charge.

HOAs, the new kid in town

In an older neighborhood, or a government resettlement project, who is expected to maintain the basketball court? The barangay. What about the roads? The barangay fixes the potholes. The streetlights? Barangays are supposed to install them. Night patrol? The barangay tanods will handle it.

All these amenities and services are expected not of barangays, but of HOAs, by subdivision residents. After all, these oft-unaccountable private companies are usually the physically closest government-like organization in the area, and it is their name and logo that is marked onto every gate, every streetlight, and every phase’s basketball court.

So what then, of the barangay the area is under jurisdiction of? At the end of the day, every inch of land in the Greater Manila Area is under some group of barangay politicians who may or may not live walking distance from your home.

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Barangays without identity

No one around me even knows how to pronounce the name of my home barangay properly.

Is the Roman numeral in “Molino Ⅲ” supposed to be read in English, or in Spanish? It depends who you ask.

The official pronunciation, used by politicians in the area as well as local branches of nationwide businesses, uses the Spanish number, “tres.” Along Molino Road, there is a “Molino Tres Proper” branch of the delivery courier LBC. During the BSKE campaign, we were also treated to jingles from loudspeakers of a candidate saying: “ibalik ang sigla at saya sa Barangay Molino Tres!”

But language evolves, and everyone in my subdivision, and every classmate I’ve ever had who lives here, uses English numbers (e.g. “Molino three” and “Molino four”) when asked verbally about their address.

So, it seems the media has adopted the same pronunciation, I remembered from the last time my area went into the news. Gardenia Valley, one of the many townhouse projects built by GSIS for its members in my district, reached national news when its HOA started charging toll fees on vehicles entering its main road, even jeepneys plying a decades-old route going from Molino to Las Piñas.

How did GMA’s 24 Oras report on the area? “Biro ng isang netizen sa GSIS Road sa bahagi ng Gardenia Valley Subdivision, Molino three…”

Barangays that fail to be accessible

I needed a certificate of indigency to apply for an internally-funded scholarship at my university. To get from home to my barangay hall, I needed to get on a 20-minute tricycle ride, and another 10-minute jeepney ride, before getting to their complex.

It certainly was not walking distance, and was far from what I would imagine from “the smallest local government unit.”

There is a Barangay Extension Office along my subdivision’s main road, but aside from being unreliable and incomplete in services offered, it still fails the spirit of the barangay’s mandate of having an LGU close to you.

Up for a break up?

It may seem that the easiest answer to issues of inaccessibility and lack of identity is to chop up the barangay into several parts.

The counterpoint to this could be efficiency. After all, if HOAs already exist and are already mandated to serve their communities, wouldn’t proposed smaller barangays end up as duplicates with split resources?

A split may not also consider the identities of the areas affected. Neighboring Imus City suffered the same problems as Bacoor; farmland was converted into subdivisions that turned rural parts of the town such as Anabu I and II, and Malagasang I and II, into massively populated “superbarangays.”

Today, residents of upper Imus joke about their barangays acting as alphabet soup, with Anabu I chopped into seven alphabetically arranged ones from northwest to southeast: Anabu I-A, Anabu I-B, Anabu I-C, and so on until I-G.

I still believe in the concept of barangays acting as communities first, government districts later. Will Greater Manila Area towns consume suburbia into efficient LGUs, or will they let themselves be consumed by suburbia? – Rappler.com

Luis Imperial studies BS Computer Science at De La Salle University–Dasmariñas. A native of Bacoor, Cavite, he also serves in various student organizations in the university, including the campus radio station 95.9 Green FM, where he is Junior Director for News & Public Affairs.

But what a wonderful dream it turned out to be!

As a Lifestyle and Entertainment intern, I got to experience a lot of firsts in just four short months. In November, I got to go to my first press conference for this year’s Metro Manila Film Festival entry GomBurZa, where I had the opportunity to ask Direk Pepe Diokno about the historical discoveries they made during the making of the film (he thanked me for the “great question,” which I’m pretty sure is a standard thing to say to anyone who asks you a question at a press conference, but that certainly didn’t prevent me from beaming internally).

Working at Rappler also gave me the opportunity to write about more local and international cinema than I ever had before. From the elements of the “doomed romance” movie such as La La Land to Studio Ghibli classics like Howl’s Moving Castle, from modern coming-of-age novels to classic cottagecore female-led literature, writing longforms for Rappler allowed me not only to indulge in the media I love, but to challenge myself to direct my energy towards writing an article of value that could resonate with fans of the media and capture what it was that they loved so much about it. Each one of these articles was a labor of love that I spent far too much time on trying to get just the way I wanted it, but I’m incredibly happy with how they all turned out. 

One of my very first longforms for Rappler was a piece I’m particularly proud of: “From ‘Past Lives’ to ‘Aftersun’: The anatomy of a ‘quiet movie’”. At the time, my rationale for wanting to write the article was rather simple: I just wanted to put a word to the kind of movies that make up my own taste in films. But I couldn’t have predicted how much it would take off! Nearly 4,000 people saw the post on social media, and from there, the article took on a life of its own. I read comments saying things like: “So that’s what you call that kind of film!” And although I’m certain I’m far from the first to have described these kinds of films this way, there really is no feeling quite like getting tagged in other articles using the phrase too for the very first time – perhaps one of the best doses of serotonin I’ve ever had. I’m incredibly grateful to have gotten even a taste of what it’s like to write things that mean something to people, and to have gotten the chance to do so during my time at Rappler.

For my very last longform, I wanted to try my hand at tackling some heavier fare by digging deeper into the “tiger parenting” phenomenon and whether it constitutes a valid parenting technique or serves as a gateway to potential child abuse. Getting the chance to ask questions to professionals and peers and get their insights was nerve-wracking, in all honesty, but I’m incredibly grateful that they trusted me with their insights because it was their responses that made the article worthwhile. 

Being a volunteer writer at Rappler gave me a taste of what it would be like to work in the journalism industry – and it was thoroughly exhilarating. Although I had previously gotten to try my hand as a young teen in front of the camera, joining the Rappler team was a whole other beast, and it was a challenge I jumped at the chance to face. I’m also glad I opted to join a unit which I was genuinely interested in as it gave me free rein to write about all manner of things that I love. With the help and guidance of my lovely supervisors and fellow intern (hi, Ally!), I learned more about how to work in a professional environment and keep up with the very fast-paced work that ensures journalism is never boring.

When it came to my writing, I also had to learn to write more quickly without being too obsessive or perfectionistic, which I admittedly had a tendency to do. Having to hammer out an article every day pushed me to put in my best work for every single article  (and now that I don’t have to write anymore, I do kind of miss it!). I was also able to get an inside look at how I could adapt my writing for an online medium to capture people’s attention while remaining as truthful and honest as possible. Volunteering here at Rappler confirmed how much I love not just writing, but all manners of the literary and communication arts, so getting this chance really was a dream come true. 

So as I bid goodbye to my time at Rappler, I’m gifted with the reassurance that my lifelong journey as a writer has only just begun. 

And if you, too, find yourself excited by a workplace where no day is ever the same, then who knows? Rappler just might be the place for you, too. – Rappler.com

An avid reader, writer, and all-around communicator, Dana Villano is a graduating civil engineering student at De La Salle University-Laguna Campus. She was formerly a Junior Anchor for the Junior Edition of Newsroom on CNN Philippines and was a Lifestyle and Entertainment volunteer writer at Rappler from October 2023 to January 2024.

On average, Goodreads’ millions of users pledge to read more than 40 books in a year. Much of this statistic can be attributed to online communities such as BookTok, BookTube, and Bookstagram, with people who aim to read 50-100 books annually.

My personal Goodreads reading challenges have ranged from 30 books a year. However, in 2024, I plan on setting my reading goal to just one book. 

Reading myself to filth

If I told my 2021 self about this, she’d probably judge me unfavorably. For a time, I also wanted to read a hundred books in a year, and I’m not going to lie and say I no longer do. But this new goal doesn’t mean I’ll only be reading one book for the entire 2024. Truthfully speaking, I’m not sure how much and how often I’ll be reading for the year ahead. However, when I felt disappointed in myself for “just” reading 21 books this year instead of my usual 30, I knew there was something off about how I treated reading as a hobby. 

I’m the kind of reader who tries their best not to drop a book they’ve significantly progressed on so it counts for their reading goal, even if I’ve already lost interest in what I’ve been reading. And while finishing what you start is always a good idea, this completionist mindset for the sake of reaching a goal has taken away from my enjoyment and comprehension of the books I pick up.

Setting a goal of just one book will take away a significant amount of pressure to start or finish books I don’t like or understand. No matter how busy or picky I get, it’s guaranteed that I’ll find and finish at least one book that is completely worth my while. After all, the goal isn’t to read less or give up on reading in 2024 — it’s to prioritize quality over quantity and be more intentional about what I read.

Not only did I feel bad about breaking my two-year streak by changing my 2023 goal to 20 books, I also felt like I was unable to fully enjoy the books I read this year. Out of the 21 (and counting) books I’ve read this year, I could probably only hold a proper conversation about five of them. This is a red flag for me personally because I can’t help but feel like I’ve wasted my time on the less than memorable books I’ve read for the sake of bringing myself closer to an arbitrary number.

Judging a book by its cover

While my goals and attitudes towards reading are largely personal and rooted in my unrealistic expectations for myself in general, the desire to read as much as we can and consequent insecurity that comes when we’re not able to are not isolated ones. 

Over the past few years, there has been a meteoric rise in reading as a hobby, as documented on social media. Put simply, reading is cool again — something worth romanticizing and documenting. YouTubers create videos giving tips to help people read faster in hopes of reaching the ambitious 100-book goal. TikTok, Instagram, and Pinterest feeds are filled with aesthetically pleasing book piles, as well as large and enviable physical collections. 

Being an avid reader has also become associated with intelligence and even attractiveness.  Popular “old money” and “dark academia” aesthetics are completed with the right reading stack. While the newfound positive and romanticized reputation of reading is good on paper, there are less than ideal side effects.

Firstly, there’s a sense of elitism that gets subconsciously cultivated, where people see themselves as superior to others for reading more. This manifests in how some readers feel better about themselves after reading classic novels instead of popular rom-coms and physical copies of books instead of digital ones. Mindsets like these hinder reading from being more accessible and enjoyable, tying the pastime down to external pressure and competition. 

Speaking of physical copies, another problem faced is the overconsumption that’s being encouraged. Book influencers follow a similar content cycle to lifestyle ones. That is to say, there’s an incentive in creating “book haul” and “book collection” content reminiscent of the type of videos you’d see promoting fast fashion brands. Thus, there is more focus placed on the book as a physical product to consume and parade around rather than the actual activity of reading.

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Turning the page

Much has been said about the downsides of social media allegedly commodifying reading, but that doesn’t mean online book communities have done more harm than good. Reading becoming social media’s newest favorite hobby allows it to be more accessible to people, especially the youth, which is always a good thing. 

But when you put an activity that’s meant to adapt to other people’s own pace and preference in competitive arenas such as social media platforms, it comes as no surprise that more people are invested in the idea of looking well-read rather than actually being well-read. 

When everyone around you seems to be buying and reading all the latest books at lightning speed, you feel the need to catch up or even surpass them. If you’re anything like me, you’ve probably asked yourself if you’re really a reader if you’re not trying to read as many books as you can. This is a cycle I hope to break once 2023 reaches its end.

As I quite literally prepare for a new chapter with 2024, I’ll be aiming for a more personally meaningful, enjoyable, and fulfilling reading journey — starting with a goal of reading just one book at the very least. – Rappler.com

Ally de Leon is a Rappler intern.

One can only hypothesize the basis of President Bongbong Marcos for his renewed interest in opening negotiations. Perhaps it stems from the loss of reputation and integrity of the NTF-ELCAC, especially when its former spokesperson, Lorraine Badoy, was held in the House of Representatives for contempt for lying. It might also be a response to the repeated unfulfilled promises by the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) to quell the revolutionary forces of the CPP-NPA annually from 2018 to 2023.  

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Despite the unclear motivations, it is crucial to underscore the significance of these peace negotiations, as highlighted in the Oslo statement. The aim is to forge a path toward unity among the Filipino people, enabling them to live in peace and prosperity. One way this can be achieved, at least on the part of the NDFP, is the implementation of CASER, the often-cited document in every round of peace talks since the fall of the Marcos dictatorship.  

The Comprehensive Agreement on Socio-Economic Reforms, or CASER, has its roots in the peace process back in 1998, when an agreement between the Ramos government and the NDFP was struck, known as the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law, simply known as CARHRIHL.  

According to the NDFP, the CASER is the second step in a four-part plan for the cessation of hostilities between the AFP and the CPP-NPA. When CARHRIHL was signed and ratified, the next step would have been the implementation of socio-economic reforms, which are centered on genuine agrarian reform and national industrialization. However, negotiations broke down and hostilities resumed at the end of the Ramos presidency and the beginning of Estrada’s.  

For the revolutionary groups, a genuine agrarian reform aims to redistribute vast arable land in the  country, which they allege as mostly owned by landlords and mining corporations, back to the farming sector. This is especially more urgent for them since the implementation of the Rice Tariffication Law, which welcomed the influx of imported crops and rice towards the Philippines,  crippling thousands of farmers in the countryside.  

Since the Rice Tariffication Law is contradictory to the policies of CASER, it is likely that the NDFP negotiating panel would discuss for the law to be repealed, and suggest an alternative program that would instead strengthen the agricultural industry of the country. Progressives draw comparison to the rise of Vietnam when it proclaimed victory against the United States at the height of the Cold War, where the country built a strong foundation on its agricultural sector and promoted rice farming. As of today, Vietnam is now one of the leading exporters of rice in Southeast Asia, eclipsing the Philippines.  

On the other hand, the concept of national industrialization will be implemented alongside and after genuine agrarian reform. The CASER proposed by the NDFP posits the idea of harnessing the labor population of the country, a significant portion of which often leave to become OFWs, in order to stimulate growth as a prospective industrial powerhouse in the Southeast Asia. A part of this package would also include the implementation of a national minimum wage, which faces adamancy from the government.  

In reality, negotiations on CASER will be exhaustive. At present, it remains a concept that may be  presented in the long-sought peace negotiations between the government and the NDFP. The promises of genuine agrarian reform and national industrialization as proposed by the revolutionaries may even be rolled back in order to accommodate for a better compromise with the government.  

However, the presentation of CASER by the NDFP challenges the perception that the communist  rebellion is a mere barbaric and terrorist movement. Beyond its promises lies a reflection on the social realities of the Philippines, even more so truthfully as we lag behind our fellow Southeast Asian neighbors. 

It is high time to face the fact that perhaps the reason why we have the longest-running communist resistance in the world is because we also have one of the longest-running stagnations, from social policies to the economy. It is correct to change course and abandon the purely military approach against the CPP-NPA, especially the “local level peace talks” and the whole-of-nation approach, both of which are marred with allegations of harassment and killings, and instead aim towards a more diplomatic solution for prosperity and lasting peace. – Rappler.com

Carwyn Candila was the National Spokesperson of the League of Filipino Students, the leading anti-imperialist youth organization, from 2021 to 2022.

Ito ang naging reaksyon ng isang netizen sa X (dating Twitter) bilang tugon sa balitang inanunsyo ng UP Diliman University Student Council patungkol sa floor plans ng UP DiliMall, ang bagong shopping center na itatayo sa UP Diliman. Oo nga naman, kung hindi (dili) ito mall, ano ito? Isang pagtangkang paglako ng edukasyon. 

Karapatan ng bawat tao ang magkaroon ng kalidad na edukasyon, ngunit sa hirap ng buhay ngayon, hindi na opsyon pa ang mag-enroll sa mga pribadong institusyon. Kaya naman isa ang Unibersidad ng Pilipinas sa pangarap ng mga estudyante (kasama ako), dahil bukod sa libre ang mag-aral rito, kalidad rin ang pagtuturo — premier state university ba naman. Ngunit sa mga naglalakihang presyo ng mga paninda sa itatayong mall dito, deserve pa ba nito ang bansag sa kanya? 

Makikita sa floor plan nito ang Robinsons Easymart (na may laking 795.49 sqm) na nasa ground floor kasama ng mga restaurant na hindi maka-masa ang presyuhan. Mayroon ngang nilaan na espasyo para sa mga UP non-food tenants, tulad ng bilihan ng mga school supplies at photocopy services, ngunit nakapwesto naman ito sa second at third floor. Sabihin nating nagmamadali ang isang isko para makapagpa-photocopy ng kanyang ipapasang paper para sa susunod niyang klase. Makikipagsapalaran pa siyang umakyat ng ilang palapag para lang maka-avail ng basic student services kung maaari namang nakapwesto na ang mga ito sa kung saan accessible sa lahat — pero hindi, dahil ang accessible sa lahat ay ang Robinsons Easymart. 

Kulang na kulang ang mga pasilidad para sa mga estudyante, tulad na lamang ng mga dorms at study spaces, ngunit mas mauuna pa yatang magkaroon ng shopping center kaysa sa pagtayo ng mga ito na ilang taon nang isinisigaw ng sangkaestudyantehan. Ang dating student regent na si Siegfred Severino ay isiniwalat sa kanyang semestral report na prayoridad dapat ng mga state universities and colleges (SUCs) na makapagpatayo ng dorms na magbibigay tahanan sa 40% ng student population, ngunit ang reyalidad ay hindi ito umaabot sa porsyentong ito. 

Napatunayan na ng mga nagdaang commercialized spaces sa UP, tulad ng GyudFood, ang pagkabigo nitong paglingkuran ang sangkaestudyantehan at ang mga manininda. Ayon sa isang artikulo ng opisyal na pahayagan ng College of Social Sciences and Philosophy sa UP Diliman, hindi binigyan ng espasyo ang mga manininda sa nasabing food hub pagkatapos silang pangakuan ng dating presidente ng UP na maglalaan ang administrasyon ng espasyo para sa kanila. Ano ang kasiguraduhan na hindi ito mauulit para sa mga small business owners na maaapektuhan ng DiliMall? Ang espasyo ng UP ay para pagsilbihan ang komunidad nito, hindi para pamunuan ng mga dambuhalang negosyante…dahil ano nga ba ulit ang UP? Isang institusyon para sa edukasyon, at ang edukasyon ay hindi nilalako.

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Ang kailangan ng mga estudyante ay printing services at study spaces, pero ano ang ibibigay sa kanila? Mga restaurant na P400 kada isang serving? Gym na may P1,000 membership fee? O di kaya’y appliances store para siguro’y ayusin na lamang ng mga estudyante ang sirang sistema ng institusyon. 

Tungo sa masa, para sa masa…ngunit may mga katanungang umaaligid sa kasabihang ito: para kanino ba ang establisyimentong DiliMall? Para kanino ang pagbibigay prayoridad sa mga malalaking negosyo habang nalulugi ang mga maninindang matagal nang kasama ng sangkaestudyantehan ng UP dahil sa abot-kayang halaga ng mga ito? 

Para kanino ang pilit na pagpasok ng komersalisasyon sa edukasyon? 

Para kanino ka ba talaga, UP? – Rappler.com

Si Erin Victoria Agapito ay isang BA Communication student sa UP Baguio.